• Attaques en #mer_Rouge : les Houthis revendiquent une attaque contre un « pétrolier britannique » - La DH/Les Sports+
    https://www.dhnet.be/actu/monde/2024/01/26/attaques-en-mer-rouge-les-houthis-revendiquent-une-attaque-contre-un-petrolier

    La société privée de risques maritimes Ambrey avait rapporté plus tôt qu’un navire avait été touché dans la même zone, signalant un incendie à bord, sans que l’on sache à ce stade s’il s’agit du même incident.

  • Au port de Marseille, les « effets immédiats » des tensions en mer Rouge
    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2024/01/22/au-port-de-marseille-les-effets-immediats-des-tensions-en-mer-rouge_6212330_


     Le « CMA CGM Palais Royal », le plus grand porte-conteneurs au monde, dans la baie de Marseille, le 14 décembre 2023. CHRISTOPHE SIMON / AFP

    « Globalement, ce n’est pas bon pour nous », reconnaît, de son côté, le président du directoire, Hervé Martel, qui redoute que le détour imposé pousse les #armateurs à privilégier les ports du nord de l’Europe, au détriment de la Méditerranée. Autre crainte partagée par la place portuaire : la possibilité de voir les plus gros #porte-conteneurs passés ces derniers jours par le cap de Bonne-Espérance débarquer l’essentiel de leur chargement avant Marseille. « Les ports marocains pourraient monter en puissance, avec des effets de transbordement », note Christophe Castaner. Alors desservi par des unités plus petites qui caboteraient en #Méditerranée, le Grand #Port maritime de #Marseille se verrait ainsi privé d’une partie du volume de conteneurs qu’il traite habituellement.
    Les retards dans les escales ont déjà des effets sur les métiers du GPMM, notamment sur les bassins ouest, dévolus aux marchandises. Les pilotes, habitués à guider une moyenne de cinq porte-conteneurs géants par semaine, ont vu cette partie de leur activité s’effacer pendant une vingtaine de jours. Chez les dockers, les conséquences sont encore plus brutales.

    « Depuis le début de 2024, nous en sommes à six jours de travail », assure Christophe Claret, responsable CGT des dockers de Marseille-Fos. « On nous promet des arrivées pour ce week-end et lundi [22 janvier], et un rattrapage pour fin janvier. Mais le mois va être maigre », note le syndicaliste, qui prédit déjà des effets financiers sur l’ensemble de l’environnement portuaire si la baisse d’activité était amenée à se poursuivre.

    Augmentation des tarifs de fret

    « Tous les secteurs sont touchés par les retards, mais ce sont surtout les activités qui fonctionnent à flux tendu qui subissent des conséquences, analyse Jean-François Suhas, pilote et président du conseil de développement du GPMM. Pour les vracs liquides ou solides, il y a des stocks. Mais il y aura des ruptures ou des délais d’attente allongés pour certains produits comme les voitures, dont beaucoup sont produites en Asie. »

    « Actuellement, on a plus de questions que de certitudes », avance prudemment M. Martel. Amal Louis, directrice du développement commercial du Grand Port maritime de Marseille, s’interroge sur les réactions des armateurs : « Vont-ils mettre plus de navires pour maintenir leur capacité de transport sur un trajet allongé ? Marseille va-t-il perdre des rotations ? » Déjà les professionnels du transport maritime ont augmenté leurs tarifs de fret, jusqu’à doubler le coût du conteneur entre Asie et Europe, pour prendre en compte le déroutage d’une partie de leurs navires.

    _CMA_CGM, dont le siège mondial est à Marseille, applique ses hausses depuis le 15 janvier. En début de mois, les rebelles houthistes ont annoncé avoir pris pour cible Le Tage, l’un des porte-conteneurs du géant français du transport maritime. Arrivé jeudi 18 janvier dans le port de Constanta (Roumanie), il n’a, selon son propriétaire, subi aucun incident. CMA CGM, qui a détourné une quarantaine de ses navires au plus fort de la menace en #mer_Rouge, mi-décembre, a décidé de continuer à faire passer ses bateaux par la mer Rouge et le canal de Suez, sous la protection de la marine française. Un choix assumé pour continuer d’alimenter les ports méditerranéens, et donc Marseille.
    Gilles Rof(Marseille, correspondant)

    https://justpaste.it/2u8kz

    #port_de_Marseille

  • L’Union européenne examine une éventuelle opération en mer Rouge
    15 janvier - 21h32
    https://www.rfi.fr/fr/moyen-orient/20240115-en-direct-les-%C3%A9tats-unis-ont-abattu-un-missile-tir%C3%A9-du-y%C3%A

    Avec 12% du commerce mondial, 30% du transit de conteneurs, le détroit de Bab-el-Mandeb est stratégique, en particulier pour le continent européen. Sans surprise, l’Union européenne envisage donc d’y participer au rétablissement de la sécurité de navigation, gravement menacée par les attaques des Houthis yéménites. Les 27 ambassadeurs du Comité politique et de sécurité (Cops) de l’Union européenne en parlent ce demain mardi 16 janvier à Bruxelles, rapporte notre correspondant à Bruxelles, Pierre Bénazet.

    Dès le mois de décembre, l’Union européenne envisageait d’élargir à la mer Rouge son opération Atalante de lutte contre la piraterie au large de la Corne de l’Afrique – opération actuellement menée par la frégate espagnole Victoria. Au même moment, l’opération menée par les États-Unis avait obtenu le soutien de six pays de l’Union européenne. Le Danemark et la Grèce dépêchant chacun un navire de guerre et les Pays-Bas des officiers de marine. La France et l’Italie, travaillent « étroitement » avec l’opération Gardien de la Prospérité, mais ont toutes deux annoncé que la frégate Languedoc et la frégate Virginio Fasan resteraient sous commandement national.

    De son côté, l’Espagne a pris ses distances car un parti de la coalition gouvernementale, Sumar, gauche radicale, ne veut pas être entraîné dans la politique étrangère des États-Unis. Pour couronner le tout l’Espagne a fini par annoncer samedi son refus de voir l’opération Atalante élargie. L’Union européenne envisage donc une nouvelle opération mais sa mise sur pied n’est pas encore acquise, même si l’Allemagne pousse fortement en sa faveur. Berlin est un peu en porte-à-faux avec ses partenaires européens, ils l’accusent de faire cavalier seul pour l’aide militaire à l’Ukraine.

    12% du commerce mondial, ah là ! rien ne va plus, il faut agir, tandis que 30 000 tués dans la bande de Gaza, ça peut attendre.
    #UE #Ignominie

    • La crise en mer Rouge commence à pénaliser l’industrie
      https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2024/01/15/la-crise-en-mer-rouge-commence-a-penaliser-l-industrie_6210873_3234.html

      Alors que les tensions s’accroissent dans la région entre Occidentaux et rebelles houthistes au Yémen, Tesla et Volvo vont suspendre leur production quelques jours en Europe.
      [...]

      Le cabinet londonien Drewry « anticipe une hausse des taux de fret sur les lignes est-ouest dans les prochaines semaines ». Au 11 janvier, son indice composite mondial s’élevait à 3 072 dollars (2 800 euros) par conteneur de 40 pieds, plus du double des 1 382 dollars de fin novembre 2023. Il grimpe même à 5 213 dollars sur la ligne Shanghaï-Gênes et à 4 400 dollars entre le port chinois et Rotterdam. CMA CGM a annoncé que le tarif pour un transport Asie-Méditerranée passait de 3 000 à 6 200 dollars la « boîte » à compter du lundi 15 janvier.
      Les réassureurs, qui partagent les risques avec les assureurs de premier rang, se retirent d’Israël et des pays voisins ; ou ils introduisent des clauses d’annulation dans leurs polices, décision qui va gonfler les frais des entreprises fonctionnant dans la région. De son côté, l’assureur Allianz calcule que chaque jour de blocage coûte de 6 à 10 milliards de dollars au commerce mondial. Armateurs et chargeurs l’ont déjà subi, en 2021, avec la paralysie du canal durant une semaine par le porte-conteneurs Ever-Given.

      La revue en ligne Lloyd’s List estimait qu’environ 9,6 milliards de dollars de marchandises étaient « en rade », mais ne cède pas pour autant au catastrophisme. « Le déroutement par le cap de Bonne-Espérance n’entraînera pas une réédition des ruptures constatées durant la pandémie », est-il nuancé dans un article du 12 janvier. On ne constate pas de longues files d’attente de porte-conteneurs à l’entrée des ports, comme en 2021, même si des embouteillages peuvent se former dans quelques semaines en Europe. L’escalade militaire est encore limitée, et seuls un embrasement du conflit et une fermeture durable du canal de Suez auraient de lourdes retombées économiques.

      https://justpaste.it/eya90

      #mer_rouge #commerce_mondial

  • España participará finalmente en la misión de EEUU en el Mar Rojo, en representación de la UE
    https://www.huffingtonpost.es/politica/espana-participara-finalmente-mision-eeuu-mar-rojo-representacion-ueb

    En fin de compte, si, l’Espagne participeraà la coalition Prosperity Guardian en Mer rouge. Mais en fait, pas réellement. Enfin si, un peu tout de même.
    Ca ne fait pas très sérieux cette coalition...

    Al final, sí. España colaborará, a través de la Operación Atalanta de la Unión Europea, con la Operación Guardián de la Prosperidad, liderada por Estados Unidos, para velar por la seguridad de los buques en el Mar Rojo, tal y como Washington anunció hace dos días. Un proyecto con el que se trata de proteger una ruta marítima esencial para Occidente, amenazada ahora por los hutíes de Yemen, aliados de Hamás, que están atacando buques para presionar ante los ataques de Israel a Gaza.

    En un mensaje en sus redes sociales, el vicealmirante Ignacio Villanueva Serrano, comandante de la misión Atalanta, la operación naval europea de lucha contra la piratería en el océano Índico, lo ha confirmado en redes. España negó de inicio su participación, anunciada en público por el Pentágono, y afirmó que sólo colaboraría en esa coalición internacional bajo el paraguas de la OTAN o de la UE, en palabras de la ministra portavoz, Pilar Alegría, en el Consejo de Ministros. Al final hay paraguas, el de Bruselas, y por eso España está dentro, indica la Cadena SER.

    La duda queda despejada después de que el pasado lunes el secretario de Defensa de EEUU, Lloyd Austin, anunciara en un comunicado que España participaría junto a Reino Unido, Bahréin, Canadá, Francia, Italia, Países Bajos, Noruega y Seychelles en una alianza para abordar conjuntamente los desafíos de seguridad en el sur del Mar Rojo y el Golfo de Adén.

    Josep Borrell, el jefe de la diplomacia comunitaria, ha confirmado en las últimas horas que esa decisión se ha adoptado en una reunión extraordinaria del Comité Político y de Seguridad, celebrada este miércoles. En ese foro, donde está representado el Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior, los Estados Miembro han acordado contribuir en esa coalición liderada por EEUU en el Mar Rojo y lo harán a través de la Operación Atalanta, que lucha contra la piratería en el océano Índico.

    Esa misión está ahora mismo justamente liderada por España, el comandante de esa misión es español, y de hecho, el cuartel general está en Rota. Ese comandante es el vicealmirante Ignacio Villanueva, quien puso un mensaje en sus redes pero que luego ha borrado.

    Fuentes militares aclaran a la SER que el hecho de que la operación Atalanta vaya a desplegarse también en el Mar Rojo no significa que España vaya a movilizar a uno de sus buques a la zona. Esa decisión, insisten, aún no está tomada. De hecho, el único que tiene ahora mismo en esa misión en el Indicio, es la fragata Victoria, que desde hace día está dando soporte al carguero búlgaro que fue secuestrado por unos piratas hace ya una semana.

    El Estado Mayor de Defensa ha publicado un mensaje en X, antes Twitter, en esta línea: «España tomará en su momento y valorando todas las circunstancias concurrentes, particularmente en el marco de la UE, las decisiones oportunas respecto a una posible participación en la Operación ’Prosperity Guardian’».

  • Seul le Bahreïn comme pays arabe .
    18 décembre 2023 – 21:45 GMT
    https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2023/12/18/israel-hamas-war-live-israeli-strikes-on-jabalia-refugee-camp-kill-90

    US launches multinational operation in response to Houthi attacks

    US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin has announced the formation of the coalition while on a visit to Bahrain after speaking about it earlier in the day during a press conference with his Israeli counterpart.

    The UK, Bahrain, Canada, France, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Seychelles and Spain will be participating in the operation, he said, which will include conducting joint patrols in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.

    It will be called Operation Prosperity Guardian.

    Houthi attacks on what they say are Israeli-linked ships in the Red Sea have been ongoing during Israel’s war on Gaza. Earlier, we reported on attacks on two commercial vessels – the Swan Atlantic and MSC Clara – claimed by the Yemeni group. The UK also reported an attempted attack on a ship northeast of Djibouti.

    Multiple multinational shipping and oil companies have either rerouted cargo or suspended shipping through the Red Sea altogether, driving fears of the negative effect the attacks could have on the global economy.

    • 19 décembre 2023 - 12h - RFI
      L’Espagne participera à la Coalition en mer Rouge, mais dans le cadre de l’Otan et de l’UE
      https://www.rfi.fr/fr/moyen-orient/20231219-en-direct-washington-continuera-%C3%A0-fournir-des-armes-%C3%A0-isra%C3

      L’Espagne a souligné mardi que sa participation à la coalition militaire en mer Rouge pour prévenir les attaques des rebelles yéménites Houthis contre les navires marchands se ferait dans le cadre de l’Otan et de l’UE, pas de manière unilatérale. « L’Espagne dépend des décisions de l’Union européenne et de l’Otan et, par conséquent, ne participera pas unilatéralement » à cette opération, a indiqué le ministère de la Défense dans une déclaration à l’AFP.

    • Les Houthis sont les seuls à appliquer le Droit international humanitaire (qui COMMANDE d’empêcher un génocide). Ils sont les seuls à agir efficacement : la limitation du trafic en Mer Rouge va réellement handicaper économiquement Israël.

      Il faut donc que les pays occidentaux les attaquent

    • 19 décembre 2023 - 9h50
      https://www.rfi.fr/fr/moyen-orient/20231219-en-direct-washington-continuera-%C3%A0-fournir-des-armes-%C3%A0-isra%C3

       : Première réunion de travail de la coalition contre les Houthis, indique Paris

      La coalition destinée à faire face aux attaques répétées des rebelles yéménites Houthis contre des navires marchands en mer Rouge a organisé sa première visio-conférence, a indiqué mardi à l’AFP le ministère français des Armées. La réunion s’est déroulée « ce matin, au niveau des services », a précisé le ministère sans préciser le nombre de représentants ni les conclusions des discussions.

      Un porte-parole de l’état-major des Armées a par ailleurs indiqué que la France n’avait pas à ce stade prévu d’envoyer de moyens supplémentaires dans la région. La frégate multi-missions (FREMM) Languedoc « est déjà sur place et c’est un moyen associé », a-t-il précisé.

      Le ministre américain de la Défense a annoncé lundi la formation en mer Rouge d’une coalition de dix pays, afin de faire face aux attaques répétées des Houthis contre des navires que ces rebelles considèrent comme « liés à Israël ». Outre les États-Unis, Lloyd Austin a indiqué dans un communiqué que la France, le Royaume-Uni, Bahreïn, le Canada, l’Italie, les Pays-Bas, la Norvège, l’Espagne, et les Seychelles prendraient part à cette coalition. Les rebelles, soutenus par l’Iran, ont répondu mardi n’avoir aucune intention de cesser leurs attaques.

    • 19 décembre 2023 - 12h - AJE - 10:05 GMT
      https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2023/12/19/israel-hamas-war-live-multinational-red-sea-force-announced-after-attacks

      Houthis say will continue Red Sea attacks

      A senior official says the Yemeni group will continue targeting Israel-linked ships in the Red Sea, “even if America succeeds in mobilising the entire world” to stop them.

      Mohammed al-Bukhaiti issued the statement as the US announced the launch of a new multinational naval task force to patrol Red Sea shipping lanes, which have been rocked by Houthi attacks on more than a dozen vessels during the Gaza war.

      Writing on X, al-Bukhaiti said the Houthis would only halt attacks on Israel-linked vessels if “crimes in Gaza stop and food, medicines and fuel are allowed to reach its besieged population”.

  • غزة.. شكرهم الموساد.. من هي الدول “العربيّة” التي اعترضت صواريخ الحوثيين على إسرائيل؟ وقبّة الكيان تعترض صاروخاً لحماية الأقصى !.. موكب “الفلافل” الرئاسي.. قبرص التركيّة تخشى الهجرة اليهوديّة ولواء أردني مُستغرب من هزيمة جيوش عرب 67 لماذا؟ | رأي اليوم
    https://www.raialyoum.com/%d8%ba%d8%b2%d8%a9-%d8%b4%d9%83%d8%b1%d9%87%d9%85-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%85%d9%8

    Le Mossad (!) publie la liste des pays qui ont contribué à stopper les attaques des Yéménites...

    صفحة “الموساد” الرسميّة على منصّة إكس تنشر قائمة الدول التي اعترضت طائرات مُسيّرة وصواريخ أطلقتها حركة أنصار الله اليمنيّة الحوثيين على إسرائيل، وجاء بينها 3 دول عربيّة، وجاءت كالتالي: أمريكا، فرنسا، السعوديّة، مصر، بريطانيا، الأردن، وشكرت صفحة الموساد تلك الدول.

    Pas ceux de la future (?) coalition, donc, ceux qui ont déjà désingué du drone ou du missile, dans l’ordre (israélien) : USA,France (yeah !), A. saoudite, Egypte, GB, Jordanie.

    (On n’est pas obligé de les croire sur parole...)

  • La mer Rouge sous la pression des houthistes yéménites
    https://archive.ph/2023.12.15-115002/https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/12/15/la-mer-rouge-sous-la-pression-des-houthistes-yemenites_6205987_3210.html

    La multiplication des assauts houthistes en mer Rouge affecte d’ores et déjà fortement le commerce maritime d’Israël, dont les bâtiments sont les premières cibles revendiquées des rebelles. Le 9 décembre, le groupe avait déclaré dans un communiqué qu’il « empêcherait le passage des navires à destination de l’entité sioniste » si la nourriture et les médicaments ne pouvaient pas entrer dans la bande de Gaza.

    Quels que soient le pavillon des navires ou la nationalité de leurs propriétaires, les bâtiments à destination d’Israël « deviendront une cible légitime pour nos forces armées », précisait la milice yéménite.

    Certaines compagnies maritimes ont donc décidé de détourner leurs navires et préfèrent désormais contourner l’Afrique pour rallier la Méditerranée, ajoutant quelque 13 000 kilomètres à leur itinéraire et de dix à quatorze jours de navigation. Près d’une vingtaine de navires israéliens empruntent ainsi actuellement cette longue route, dont des bâtiments de ZIM, le plus gros armateur israélien. L’allemand Hapag-Lloyd et le chinois Cosco ont aussi dérouté des navires. Mais pas le français CMA CGM, numéro trois mondial des porte-conteneurs, qui n’a pas renoncé au passage par la mer Rouge et le canal de Suez, même sans soutien de navires militaires.

    […]

    Les attaques des houthistes, principalement au moyen de drones bon marché (entre 10 000 et 50 000 euros pièce) mettent aussi au défi la soutenabilité des moyens engagés par les marines militaires pour les contrer. Ces dernières semaines, l’US Navy et la marine française ont dû tirer des missiles d’une valeur de plusieurs millions d’euros pour protéger leurs bâtiments ou des navires commerciaux. « Quand on “tue” un Shahed [un drone iranien low cost] avec un Aster [le missile français notamment utilisé en mer Rouge], en réalité c’est le Shahed qui a tué l’Aster », a ainsi estimé le chef d’état-major des armées françaises, le général Thierry Burkhard, lors d’un colloque le 7 décembre, à l’Institut Montaigne, à Paris.

  • COMMUNIQUÉ DE PRESSE DU MINISTÈRE DES ARMÉES
    Paris, le 12 décembre 2023
    12.12.2023_Interception par la Frégate multi-missions (FREMM) Languedoc en mer Rouge.pdf
    https://www.defense.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/ministere-armees/12.12.2023_Interception+par%20la%20Fr%C3%A9gate%20multi-missions%20%28F

    Interception par la Frégate multi-missions (FREMM) Languedoc en mer Rouge.

    Dans la soirée du lundi 11 décembre, le pétrolier Strinda (pavillon Norvégien) a été victime d’une attaque aérienne complexe provenant du Yémen provoquant un incendie à bord.

    La FREMM Languedoc qui patrouillait dans la zone a intercepté et détruit un drone menaçant directement le Strinda. La FREMM s’est ensuite placée en protection du bâtiment touché, empêchant la tentative de détournement du navire.
    L’incendie à bord du Strinda a pu être maîtrisé. Aucun blessé n’est à déplorer.

    L’USS Mason a ensuite escorté le Strinda vers le golfe d’Aden hors de la zone de menaces.

    La FREMM Languedoc a repris sa patrouille vers le Nord.

    La FREMM Languedoc est engagée dans le Golfe d’Aden et le sud de la mer Rouge depuis
    le 8 décembre afin de contribuer à la sûreté maritime et à la liberté de navigation des navires (environ 20 000 navires de commerce transitent dans cette zone chaque année).

    #mer_Rouge

  • La ville coloniale italienne entre mémoires, représentations et histoire

    Ce texte propose une brève lecture de l’#urbanisme_colonial italien durant la période la plus significative de son histoire, celle d’entre-deux guerres. L’unification du pays date de 1861 et l’actuelle capitale, Rome, a été conquise après une guerre rapide contre l’état du Vatican en 1870. Jusqu’à cette date, les activités et les guerres d’unification étaient à la une et il n’y avait pas de vision coloniale dans les états pré-unitaires qui composaient l’actuelle Italie. La première des expériences italiennes de projection à l’extérieur fut l’acquisition, en 1869, d’#Assab par l’entreprise génoise de transport #Rubattino. Il s’agissait d’une aventure privée, bien que favorisée par le gouvernement. La « colonie » se résumait par un petit point d’appui sur le côté africain de la #mer_Rouge ; le recensement de 1881 lui attribuait 160 habitants sur une surface de six kilomètres carrés (Labanca, 2002, p. 56). Le gouvernement italien ne décidait d’entreprendre une aventure coloniale que dans les années 1880, bien évidemment avec le rôle de la dernière et de la plus petite des puissances coloniales européennes. En 1882 la propriété de Rubattino sur la mer Rouge fut acquise par l’état, après l’échec diplomatique lié à l’établissement du protectorat français sur la Tunisie, entité longuement considérée comme destinée à l’influence de Rome à cause de l’ampleur de la communauté italienne qui s’y est installé.

    https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01259153

    #Italie #colonialisme_italien #Italie_coloniale #histoire #colonialisme #colonisation #Italie #villes #urban_matter #ville_coloniale #mémoire

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste sur la #colonialisme_italien :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

    via @olivier_aubert

  • CNES Géoimage Nouvelles ressources

    Dans une situation difficile, tendue et régressive, les cours en présentiel sont impossibles, les bibliothèques, universitaires en particulier, et les librairies sont fermées et les risques de décrochages se multiplient. Dans ce contexte, le site Géoimage du CNES (Centre Nat. d’Etudes Spatiales) met à disposition en ligne plus de 300 dossiers réalisés par 165 auteurs sur 86 pays et territoires. Pour votre information, voici les derniers dossiers réalisés ces deux derniers mois. Ils constituent peut être une ressource utile pour vos étudiants. En restant a votre disposition.

    1. Nouveaux dossiers en ligne

    #Frontières : entre #guerres, #tensions et #coopérations

    #Pakistan-#Inde-#Chine. Le massif du #K2 et le #Glacier_Siachen : #conflits_frontaliers et affrontements militaires sur le « toit du monde » (L. Carroué )

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/pakistan-inde-chine-le-massif-du-k2-et-le-glacier-siachen-conflits-fro

    Pakistan-Chine. La #Karakoram_Highway : un axe transfrontalier géostratégique à travers l’#Himalaya (L. Carroué)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/pakistan-chine-la-karakoram-highway-un-axe-transfrontalier-geostrategi

    #Afghanistan/ #Pakistan/ #Tadjikistan - Le corridor de #Wakhan : une zone tampon transfrontalière en plein Himalaya (L. Carroué)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/afghanistan-pakistan-tadjikistan-le-corridor-de-wakhan-une-zone-tampon

    Affrontement aux sommets sur la frontière sino-indienne, autour du #Lac_Pangong_Tso dans l’Himalaya (F. Vergez)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/affrontement-aux-sommets-sur-la-frontiere-sino-indienne-sur-le-lac-pan

    #Brésil - #Argentine#Paraguay. La triple frontière autour d’#Iguazu : un des territoires transfrontaliers les plus actifs au monde (C. Loïzzo)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/bresil-argentine-paraguay-la-triple-frontiere-autour-diguazu-un-des-te

    #Grèce#Turquie. Les îles grecques de #Samos et #Lesbos en #mer_Egée : tensions géopolitiques frontalières et flux migratoires (F. Vergez)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/grece-turquie-les-iles-grecques-de-samos-et-lesbos-en-mer-egee-tension

    #Jordanie/ #Syrie : guerre civile, frontière militarisée et #camps_de_réfugiés de #Zaatari (L. Carroué)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/jordanie-syrie-guerre-civile-frontiere-militarisee-et-camps-de-refugie

    Frontières : France métropolitaine et outre-mer

    #Calais : un port de la façade maritime européenne aux fonctions transfrontalières transmanches (L. Carbonnier et A. Gack)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/hauts-de-france-calais-un-port-de-la-facade-maritime-europeenne-aux-fo

    L’Est-#Maralpin : un territoire transfrontalier franco-italo-monégaste au cœur de l’arc méditerranéen (F. Boizet et L. Clerc)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/lest-maralpin-un-territoire-transfrontalier-franco-italo-monegaste-au-

    La principauté de #Monaco : le défi du territoire, entre limite frontalière, densification et extensions urbaines maritimes (P. Briand)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/la-principaute-de-monaco-le-defi-du-territoire-entre-limite-frontalier

    #Guyane_française/ Brésil. La frontière : d’un territoire longtemps contesté à une difficile coopération régionale transfrontalière (P. Blancodini )

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/guyane-francaise-bresil-la-frontiere-un-territoire-longtemps-conteste-

    (Frontières. Pages concours - Capes, Agrégations)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/les-frontieres

    Enjeux géostratégiques et géopolitiques

    Pakistan. #Gwadar : un port chinois des Nouvelles Routes de la Soie dans un #Baloutchistan désertique et instable (C. Loïzzo)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/pakistan-gwadar-un-port-chinois-des-nouvelles-routes-de-la-soie-dans-u

    #Chine. L’archipel des #Paracels : construire des #îles pour projeter sa puissance et contrôler la #Mer_de_Chine méridionale (L. Carroué)

    Chine - L’archipel des Paracels : construire des îles pour projeter sa puissance et contrôler la Mer de Chine méridionale

    #Kings_Bay : la grande base sous-marine nucléaire stratégique de l’#Atlantique (L. Carroué)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/etats-unis-kings-bay-la-grande-base-sous-marine-nucleaire-strategique-

    #Kitsap - #Bangor : la plus grande #base_sous-marine nucléaire stratégique au monde (L. Carroué)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/etats-unis-kitsap-bangor-la-plus-grande-base-sous-marine-nucleaire-str

    #Djibouti / #Yémen. Le détroit de #Bab_el-Mandeb : un verrou maritime géostratégique entre la #mer_Rouge et l’#océan_Indien (E. Dallier et P. Denmat)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/djiboutiyemen-le-detroit-de-bab-el-mandeb-un-verrou-maritime-geostrate

    #Abu_Dhabi : une ville capitale, entre mer et désert (F. Tétart)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/emirats-arabes-unis-abu-dhabi-une-ville-capitale-entre-mer-et-desert

    France et #DROM : dynamiques et mutations

    Languedoc. #Cap_d’Agde : une station touristique au sein d’un littoral très aménagé en région viticole (Y. Clavé)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/languedoc-cap-dagde-une-station-touristique-au-sein-dun-littoral-tres-

    Le sud-est de la #Grande-Terre : les plages touristiques et les #Grands_Fonds, entre survalorisation, inégalités et développement durable (J. Fieschi et E. Mephara)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/guadeloupe-le-sud-est-de-la-grande-terre-les-plages-touristiques-et-le

    #Normandie. #Lyons-la-Forêt et son environnement : entre #Rouen et Paris, un espace rural sous emprise forestière (T. Puigventos)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/normandie-lyons-la-foret-et-son-environnement-entre-rouen-et-paris-un-

    #PACA. L’agglomération de #Fréjus - #Saint-Raphaël : un #littoral méditerranéen touristique urbanisé (S. Revert)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/paca-lagglomeration-de-frejus-saint-raphael-un-littoral-mediterraneen-

    #Tourisme et #patrimonialisation dans le monde

    #Portugal#Lisbonne : la capitale portugaise aux défis d’une #touristification accélérée et d’une patrimonialisation accrue (J. Picollier)

    Portugal - Lisbonne : la capitale portugaise aux défis d’une touristification accélérée et d’une patrimonialisation accrue

    #Floride : le Sud-Ouest, un nouveau corridor touristique et urbain (J.F. Arnal)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/etats-unis-floride-le-sud-ouest-un-nouveau-corridor-touristique-et-urb

    #Alaska. Le #Mont_Denali : glaciers, #parc_national, #wilderness et changement climatique (A. Poiret)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/alaska-le-mont-denali-glaciers-parc-national-wilderness-et-changement-

    #Ile_Maurice. Le miracle de l’émergence d’une petite île de l’#océan_Indien (M. Lachenal)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/ile-maurice-le-miracle-de-lemergence-dune-petite-ile-de-locean-indien

    Le #Grand-Prismatic du Parc National du #Yellowstone : entre wilderness, protection, patrimonialisation et tourisme de masse (S. Sangarne et N. Vermersch)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/etats-unis-le-grand-prismatic-du-parc-national-du-yellowstone-entre-wi

    #Maroc. Contraintes, défis et potentialités d’un espace désertique marocain en bordure du Sahara : Ouarzazate (M. Lachenal)

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/maroc-contraintes-defis-et-potentialites-dun-espace-desertique-marocai

    2. Nouvelle rubrique : « Images A la Une »

    La rubrique Image A La Une a pour objectif de mettre en ligne une image satellite accompagnée d’un commentaire en lien avec un point d’actualité et qui peut donc être facilement mobilisée en cours (cf. incendies de forêt en Australie en janv./ 2020, impact du Coronavirus en avril 2020).

    Fabien Vergez : Affrontements aux sommets sur la frontière sino-indienne, sur le lac Pangong Tso dans l’Himalaya

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/affrontement-aux-sommets-sur-la-frontiere-sino-indienne-sur-le-lac-pan

    Virginie Estève : Les "#Incendies_zombies" en #Arctique : un phénomène surmédiatisé qui alerte sur le réchauffement climatique.

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/incendies-zombies-en-arctique-un-phenomene-surmediatise-qui-alerte-sur

    3. Ouverture d’une nouvelle rubrique : « La satellithèque »

    Le site Géoimage du CNES se dote d’une nouvelle rubrique afin d’enrichir son offre. A côté des images déjà proposées dans les rubriques "dossiers thématiques" ou "Images A la Une", le site Géoimage du CNES met en ligne comme autres ressources des images brutes non accompagnées d’un commentaire ou d’une analyse.

    L’objectif de cette #Satellithèque est d’offrir au plus grand nombre - enseignants, universitaires, chercheurs, étudiants, grand public... - de nombreuses images de la France et du monde. Ainsi, progressivement, dans les mois qui viennent des centaines d’images nouvelles seront disponibles et téléchargeable directement et gratuitement en ligne afin d’accompagner leurs travaux, recherches ou voyages.

    https://geoimage.cnes.fr/fr/geoimage/satellitheque

    4. Ouverture de comptes Twitter et Instagram

    Suivez et partagez l’actualité du site GeoImage à travers Twitter / Instagram, que ce soit de nouvelles mises en ligne ou des évènements autour de ce projet. La publication de nouveaux dossiers et leurs référencements, tout comme la publication de notules dans images à la une est accompagnée de brèves sur ces réseaux sociaux

    Ci-dessous les identifiants pour s’abonner aux comptes Twitter et Instagram

    Compte twitter : @Geoimage_ed

    Compte Instagram : geoimage_ed

    #images_satellitaires #visualisation

    #ressources_pédagogiques

  • #Jules_Grandin, cartographe du quotidien

    Oui, c’est possible de voir la carte de France dans une galette complète. La #géographie, c’était d’abord un truc d’explorateur. Puis c’est aussi devenu un truc d’artiste, et aujourd’hui c’est plutôt pour les analystes. Mais Jules Grandin, ce qui lui plait, c’est le côté #aventure.

    Cartographe presse, il a une mission : montrer au public que les #cartes c’est intéressant. Et c’est plutôt réussi, avec ses threads sur des parties du monde méconnues, ou avec ses #think-maps, il séduit les twitto·a·s qui lui envoient régulièrement leurs petites trouvailles. Il a récemment reçu une photo d’un caillou qui faisait une superbe carte de l’Afrique, et ça, c’est ses petits moments de joie de la journée.

    https://www.binge.audio/podcast/derriereletweet/jules-grandin-cartographe-du-quotidien

    #cartographie #podcast #audio

    compte twitter de Jules Grandin :
    https://twitter.com/JulesGrandin

    ping @reka @odilon

  • Yémen : à marche forcée - ARTE Reportage | ARTE
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/090427-000-A/yemen-a-marche-forcee

    Chez eux, en #Éthiopie, les Oromos n’ont rien. Par centaines de milliers, ils migrent vers l’Arabie Saoudite, richissime contrée où ils s’imaginent un avenir.

    Mais la route est longue, périlleuse, impossible. Elle se pratique à pied, faute de pouvoir payer les passeurs et elle est semée d’embuches. Les montagnes de Galafi, à la frontière de #Djibouti, irradiées par un soleil brûlant, mettent à terre les plus vaillants, terrassés par la soif.

    A Obock, un petit port sans charme, les migrants sont convoyés de nuit vers des boutres surchargés qui affrontent les vagues de la #Mer_Rouge. Et, ultime danger : au #Yémen, l’industrie migratoire est infiltrée par les mafias locales. Là-bas, les #migrants #oromos deviennent des proies. Les plus pauvres sont les plus vulnérables. Déviés de la route, aux prises avec des #passeurs sans scrupules, ils sont torturés jusqu’à ce que leurs familles paient la rançon, parfois ruinées par la vente de toutes leurs terres pour tirer un fils ou une fille de l’enfer des maisons de torture.

    D’une rive à l’autre du Golfe d’Aden, Charles Emptaz et Olivier Jobard ont marché avec ces migrants éthiopiens, animés par une idée fixe et lancinante : gagner un jour son pain.

    Des bribes de cette odyssée, ils tentent de reconstituer le récit d’une traversée mortelle, dessinant en creux le portrait d’un peuple transfiguré par l’épreuve, les Oromos.

  • Ethiopians Abused on Gulf Migration Route

    Ethiopians undertaking the perilous journey by boat across the Red Sea or Gulf of Aden face exploitation and torture in Yemen by a network of trafficking groups, Human Rights Watch said today. They also encounter abusive prison conditions in Saudi Arabia before being summarily forcibly deported back to Addis Ababa. Authorities in Ethiopia, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia have taken few if any measures to curb the violence migrants face, to put in place asylum procedures, or to check abuses perpetrated by their own security forces.


    A combination of factors, including unemployment and other economic difficulties, drought, and human rights abuses have driven hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to migrate over the past decade, traveling by boat over the Red Sea and then by land through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states are favored destinations because of the availability of employment. Most travel irregularly and do not have legal status once they reach Saudi Arabia.

    “Many Ethiopians who hoped for a better life in Saudi Arabia face unspeakable dangers along the journey, including death at sea, torture, and all manners of abuses,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Ethiopian government, with the support of its international partners, should support people who arrive back in Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes on their back and nowhere to turn for help.”

    Human Rights Watch interviewed 12 Ethiopians in Addis Ababa who had been deported from Saudi Arabia between December 2018 and May 2019. Human Rights Watch also interviewed humanitarian workers and diplomats working on Ethiopia migration-related issues.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates as many as 500,000 Ethiopians were in Saudi Arabia when the Saudi government began a deportation campaign in November 2017. The Saudi authorities have arrested, prosecuted, or deported foreigners who violate labor or residency laws or those who crossed the border irregularly. About 260,000 Ethiopians, an average of 10,000 per month, were deported from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia between May 2017 and March 2019, according to the IOM, and deportations have continued.

    An August 2 Twitter update by Saudi Arabia’s Interior Ministry said that police had arrested 3.6 million people, including 2.8 million for violations of residency rules, 557,000 for labor law violations, and 237,000 for border violations. In addition, authorities detained 61,125 people for crossing the border into Saudi Arabia illegally, 51 percent of them Ethiopians, and referred more than 895,000 people for deportation. Apart from illegal border crossing, these figures are not disaggregated by nationality.

    Eleven of the 12 people interviewed who had been deported had engaged with smuggling and trafficking networks that are regionally linked across Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland state, the self-declared autonomous state of Somaliland, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia. Traffickers outside of Ethiopia, particularly in Yemen, often used violence or threats to extort ransom money from migrants’ family members or contacts, those interviewed told Human Rights Watch. The 12th person was working in Saudi Arabia legally but was deported after trying to help his sister when she arrived illegally.

    Those interviewed described life-threatening journeys as long as 24 hours across the Gulf of Aden or the Red Sea to reach Yemen, in most cases in overcrowded boats, with no food or water, and prevented from moving around by armed smugglers.

    “There were 180 people on the boat, but 25 died,” one man said. “The boat was in trouble and the waves were hitting it. It was overloaded and about to sink so the dallalas [an adaptation of the Arabic word for “middleman” or “broker”] picked some out and threw them into the sea, around 25.”

    Interviewees said they were met and captured by traffickers upon arrival in Yemen. Five said the traffickers physically assaulted them to extort payments from family members or contacts in Ethiopia or Somalia. While camps where migrants were held capture were run by Yemenis, Ethiopians often carried out the abuse. In many cases, relatives said they sold assets such as homes or land to obtain the ransom money.

    After paying the traffickers or escaping, the migrants eventually made their way north to the Saudi-Yemen border, crossing in rural, mountainous areas. Interviewees said Saudi border guards fired at them, killing and injuring others crossing at the same time, and that they saw dead bodies along the crossing routes. Human Rights Watch has previously documented Saudi border guards shooting and killing migrants crossing the border.

    “At the border there are many bodies rotting, decomposing,” a 26-year-old man said: “It is like a graveyard.”

    Six interviewees said they were apprehended by Saudi border police, while five successfully crossed the border but were later arrested. They described abusive prison conditions in several facilities in southern Saudi Arabia, including inadequate food, toilet facilities, and medical care; lack of sanitation; overcrowding; and beatings by guards.

    Planes returning people deported from Saudi Arabia typically arrive in Addis Ababa either at the domestic terminal or the cargo terminal of Bole International Airport. Several humanitarian groups conduct an initial screening to identify the most vulnerable cases, with the rest left to their own devices. Aid workers in Ethiopia said that deportees often arrive with no belongings and no money for food, transportation, or shelter. Upon arrival, they are offered little assistance to help them deal with injuries or psychological trauma, or to support transportation to their home communities, in some cases hundreds of kilometers from Addis Ababa.

    Human Rights Watch learned that much of the migration funding from Ethiopia’s development partners is specifically earmarked to manage migration along the routes from the Horn of Africa to Europe and to assist Ethiopians being returned from Europe, with very little left to support returnees from Saudi Arabia.

    “Saudi Arabia has summarily returned hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians to Addis Ababa who have little to show for their journey except debts and trauma,” Horne said. “Saudi Arabia should protect migrants on its territory and under its control from traffickers, ensure there is no collusion between its agents and these criminals, and provide them with the opportunity to legally challenge their detention and deportation.”

    All interviews were conducted in Amharic, Tigrayan, or Afan Oromo with translation into English. The interviewees were from the four regions of SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region), Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray. These regions have historically produced the bulk of Ethiopians migrating abroad. To protect interviewees from possible reprisals, pseudonyms are being used in place of their real names. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Ethiopian and Saudi governments seeking comment on abuses described by Ethiopian migrants along the Gulf migration route, but at the time of writing neither had responded.

    Dangerous Boat Journey

    Most of the 11 people interviewed who entered Saudi Arabia without documents described life-threatening boat journeys across the Red Sea from Djibouti, Somaliland, or Puntland to Yemen. They described severely overcrowded boats, beatings, and inadequate food or water on journeys that ranged from 4 to 24 hours. These problems were compounded by dangerous weather conditions or encounters with Saudi/Emirati-led coalition naval vessels patrolling the Yemeni coast.

    “Berhanu” said that Somali smugglers beat people on his boat crossing from Puntland: “They have a setup they use where they place people in spots by weight to keep the boat balanced. If you moved, they beat you.” He said that his trip was lengthened when smugglers were forced to turn the boat around after spotting a light from a naval vessel along the Yemeni coast and wait several hours for it to pass.

    Since March 26, 2015, Saudi Arabia has led a coalition of countries in a military campaign against the Houthi armed group in Yemen. As part of its campaign the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition has imposed a naval blockade on Houthi-controlled Yemeni ports, purportedly to prevent Houthi rebels from importing weapons by sea, but which has also restricted the flow of food, fuel, and medicine to civilians in the country, and included attacks on civilians at sea. Human Rights Watch previously documented a helicopter attack in March 2017 by coalition forces on a boat carrying Somali migrants and refugees returning from Yemen, killing at least 32 of the 145 Somali migrants and refugees on board and one Yemeni civilian.

    Exploitation and Abuses in Yemen

    Once in war-torn Yemen, Ethiopian migrants said they faced kidnappings, beatings, and other abuses by traffickers trying to extort ransom money from them or their family members back home.

    This is not new. Human Rights Watch, in a 2014 report, documented abuses, including torture, of migrants in detention camps in Yemen run by traffickers attempting to extort payments. In 2018, Human Rights Watch documented how Yemeni guards tortured and raped Ethiopian and other Horn of Africa migrants at a detention center in Aden and worked in collaboration with smugglers to send them back to their countries of origin. Recent interviews by Human Rights Watch indicate that the war in Yemen has not significantly affected the abuses against Ethiopians migrating through Yemen to Saudi Arabia. If anything, the conflict, which escalated in 2015, has made the journey more dangerous for migrants who cross into an area of active fighting.

    Seven of the 11 irregular migrants interviewed said they faced detention and extortion by traffickers in Yemen. This occurred in many cases as soon as they reached shore, as smugglers on boats coordinated with the Yemeni traffickers. Migrants said that Yemeni smuggling and trafficking groups always included Ethiopians, often one from each of Oromo, Tigrayan, and Amhara ethnic groups, who generally were responsible for beating and torturing migrants to extort payments. Migrants were generally held in camps for days or weeks until they could provide ransom money, or escape. Ransom payments were usually made by bank transfers from relatives and contacts back in Ethiopia.

    “Abebe” described his experience:

    When we landed… [the traffickers] took us to a place off the road with a tent. Everyone there was armed with guns and they threw us around like garbage. The traffickers were one Yemeni and three Ethiopians – one Tigrayan, one Amhara, and one Oromo…. They started to beat us after we refused to pay, then we had to call our families…. My sister [in Ethiopia] has a house, and the traffickers called her, and they fired a bullet near me that she could hear. They sold the house and sent the money [40,000 Birr, US $1,396].

    “Tesfalem”, said that he was beaten by Yemenis and Ethiopians at a camp he believes was near the port city of Aden:

    They demanded money, but I said I don’t have any. They told me to make a call, but I said I don’t have relatives. They beat me and hung me on the wall by one hand while standing on a chair, then they kicked the chair away and I was swinging by my arm. They beat me on my head with a stick and it was swollen and bled.

    He escaped after three months, was detained in another camp for three months more, and finally escaped again.

    “Biniam” said the men would take turns beating the captured migrants: “The [Ethiopian] who speaks your language beats you, those doing the beating were all Ethiopians. We didn’t think of fighting back against them because we were so tired, and they would kill you if you tried.”

    Two people said that when they landed, the traffickers offered them the opportunity to pay immediately to travel by car to the Saudi border, thereby avoiding the detention camps. One of them, “Getachew,” said that he paid 1,500 Birr (US $52) for the car and escaped mistreatment.

    Others avoided capture when they landed, but then faced the difficult 500 kilometer journey on foot with few resources while trying to avoid capture.

    Dangers faced by Yemeni migrants traveling north were compounded for those who ran into areas of active fighting between Houthi forces and groups aligned with the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition. Two migrants said that their journey was delayed, one by a week, the other by two months, to avoid conflict areas.

    Migrants had no recourse to local authorities and did not report abuses or seek assistance from them. Forces aligned with the Yemeni government and the Houthis have also detained migrants in poor conditions, refused access to protection and asylum procedures, deported migrants en masse in dangerous conditions, and exposed them to abuse. In April 2018, Human Rights Watch reported that Yemeni government officials had tortured, raped, and executed migrants and asylum seekers from the Horn of Africa in a detention center in the southern port city of Aden. The detention center was later shut down.

    The International Organization for Migration (IOM) announced in May that it had initiated a program of voluntary humanitarian returns for irregular Ethiopian migrants held by Yemeni authorities at detention sites in southern Yemen. IOM said that about 5,000 migrants at three sites were held in “unsustainable conditions,” and that the flights from Aden to Ethiopia had stalled because the Saudi/Emirati-led coalition had failed to provide the flights the necessary clearances. The coalition controls Yemen’s airspace.

    Crossing the Border; Abusive Detention inside Saudi Arabia

    Migrants faced new challenges attempting to cross the Saudi-Yemen border. The people interviewed said that the crossing points used by smugglers are in rural, mountainous areas where the border separates Yemen’s Saada Governorate and Saudi Arabia’s Jizan Province. Two said that smugglers separated Ethiopians by their ethnic group and assigned different groups to cross at different border points.

    Ethiopian migrants interviewed were not all able to identify the locations where they crossed. Most indicated points near the Yemeni mountain villages Souq al-Ragu and ‘Izlat Al Thabit, which they called Ragu and Al Thabit. Saudi-aligned media have regularly characterized Souq al-Ragu as a dangerous town from which drug smugglers and irregular migrants cross into Saudi Arabia.

    Migrants recounted pressures to pay for the crossing by smuggling drugs into Saudi Arabia. “Abdi” said he stayed in Souq al-Ragu for 15 days and finally agreed to carry across a 25 kilogram sack of khat in exchange for 500 Saudi Riyals (US$133). Khat is a mild stimulant grown in the Ethiopian highlands and Yemen; it is popular among Yemenis and Saudis, but illegal in Saudi Arabia.

    “Badessa” described Souq al-Ragu as “the crime city:”

    You don’t know who is a trafficker, who is a drug person, but everybody has an angle of some sort. Even Yemenis are afraid of the place, it is run by Ethiopians. It is also a burial place; bodies are gathered of people who had been shot along the border and then they’re buried there. There is no police presence.

    Four of the eleven migrants who crossed the border on foot said Saudi border guards shot at them during their crossings, sometimes after ordering them to stop and other times without warning. Some said they encountered dead bodies along the way. Six said they were apprehended by Saudi border guards or drug police at the border, while five were arrested later.

    “Abebe” said that Saudi border guards shot at his group as they crossed from Izlat Al Thabit:

    They fired bullets, and everyone scattered. People fleeing were shot, my friend was shot in the leg…. One person was shot in the chest and killed and [the Saudi border guards] made us carry him to a place where there was a big excavator. They didn’t let us bury him; the excavator dug a hole and they buried him.

    Berhanu described the scene in the border area: “There were many dead people at the border. You could walk on the corpses. No one comes to bury them.”

    Getachew added: “It is like a graveyard. There are no dogs or hyenas there to eat the bodies, just dead bodies everywhere.”

    Two of the five interviewees who crossed the border without being detained said that Saudi and Ethiopian smugglers and traffickers took them to informal detention camps in southern Saudi towns and held them for ransom. “Yonas” said they took him and 14 others to a camp in the Fayfa area of Jizan Province: “They beat me daily until I called my family. They wanted 10,000 Birr ($349). My father sold his farmland and sent the 10,000 Birr, but then they told me this isn’t enough, we need 20,000 ($698). I had nothing left and decided to escape or die.” He escaped.

    Following their capture, the migrants described abusive conditions in Saudi governmental detention centers and prisons, including overcrowding and inadequate food, water, and medical care. Migrants also described beatings by Saudi guards.

    Nine migrants who were captured while crossing the border illegally or living in Saudi Arabia without documentation spent up to five months in detention before authorities deported them back to Ethiopia. The three others were convicted of criminal offenses that included human trafficking and drug smuggling, resulting in longer periods in detention before being deported.

    The migrants identified about 10 prisons and detention centers where they were held for various periods. The most frequently cited were a center near the town of al-Dayer in Jizan Province along the border, Jizan Central Prison in Jizan city, and the Shmeisi Detention Center east of Jeddah, where migrants are processed for deportation.

    Al-Dayer had the worst conditions, they said, citing overcrowding, inadequate sanitation, food and water, and medical care. Yonas said:

    They tied our feet with chains and they beat us while chained, sometimes you can’t get to the food because you are chained. If you get chained by the toilet it will overflow and flow under you. If you are aggressive you get chained by the toilet. If you are good [behave well], they chain you to another person and you can move around.

    Abraham had a similar description:

    The people there beat us. Ethnic groups [from Ethiopia] fought with each other. The toilet was overflowing. It was like a graveyard and not a place to live. Urine was everywhere and people were defecating. The smell was terrible.

    Other migrants described similarly bad conditions in Jizan Central Prison. “Ibrahim” said that he was a legal migrant working in Saudi Arabia, but that he travelled to Jizan to help his sister, whom Saudi authorities had detained after she crossed from Yemen illegally. Once in Jizan, authorities suspected him of human trafficking and arrested him, put him on trial, and sentenced him to two years in prison, a sentenced he partially served in Jizan Central Prison:

    Jizan prison is so very tough…. You can be sleeping with [beside] someone who has tuberculosis, and if you ask an official to move you, they don’t care. They will beat you. You can’t change clothes, you have one set and that is it, sometimes the guards will illegally bring clothes and sell to you at night.

    He also complained of overcrowding: “When you want to sleep you tell people and they all jostle to make some room, then you sleep for a bit but you wake up because everyone is jostling against each other.”

    Most of the migrants said food was inadequate. Yonas described the situation in al-Dayer: “When they gave food 10 people would gather and fight over it. If you don’t have energy you won’t eat. The fight is over rice and bread.”

    Detainees also said medical care was inadequate and that detainees with symptoms of tuberculosis (such as cough, fever, night sweats, or weight loss) were not isolated from other prisoners. Human Rights Watch interviewed three former detainees who were being treated for tuberculosis after being deported, two of whom said they were held with other detainees despite having symptoms of active tuberculosis.

    Detainees described being beaten by Saudi prison guards when they requested medical care. Abdi said:

    I was beaten once with a stick in Jizan that was like a piece of rebar covered in plastic. I was sick in prison and I used to vomit. They said, ‘why do you do that when people are eating?’ and then they beat me harshly and I told him [the guard], ‘Please kill me.’ He eventually stopped.

    Ibrahim said he was also beaten when he requested medical care for tuberculosis:

    [Prison guards] have a rule that you aren’t supposed to knock on the door [and disturb the guards]. When I got sick in the first six months and asked to go to the clinic, they just beat me with electric wires on the bottom of my feet. I kept asking so they kept beating.

    Detainees said that the other primary impetus for beatings by guards was fighting between different ethnic groups of Ethiopians in detention, largely between ethnic Oromos, Amharas, and Tigrayans. Ethnic tensions are increasingly common back in Ethiopia.

    Detainees said that conditions generally improved once they were transferred to Shmeisi Detention Center, near Jeddah, where they stayed only a few days before receiving temporary travel documents from Ethiopian consular authorities and deported to Ethiopia. The migrants charged with and convicted of crimes had no opportunity to consult legal counsel.

    None of the migrants said they were given the opportunity to legally challenge their deportations, and Saudi Arabia has not established an asylum system under which migrants could apply for protection from deportation where there was a risk of persecution if they were sent back. Saudi Arabia is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

    Deportation and Future Prospects

    Humanitarian workers and diplomats told Human Rights Watch that since the beginning of Saudi Arabia’s deportation campaign, large numbers of Ethiopian deportees have been transported via special flights by Saudia Airlines to Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa and unloaded in a cargo area away from the main international terminal or at the domestic terminal. When Human Rights Watch visited in May, it appeared that the Saudi flights were suspended during the month of Ramadan, during which strict sunrise-to-sunset fasting is observed by Muslims. All interviewees who were deported in May said they had returned on regular Ethiopian Airlines commercial flights and disembarked at the main terminal with other passengers.

    All of those deported said that they returned to Ethiopia with nothing but the clothes they were wearing, and that Saudi authorities had confiscated their mobile phones and in some cases shoes and belts. “After staying in Jeddah … they had us make a line and take off our shoes,” Abraham said. “Anything that could tie like a belt we had to leave, they wouldn’t let us take it. We were barefoot when we went to the airport.”

    Deportees often have critical needs for assistance, including medical care, some for gunshot wounds. One returnee recovering from tuberculosis said that he did not have enough money to buy food and was going hungry. Abdi said that when he left for Saudi Arabia he weighed 64 kilograms but returned weighing only 47 or 48 kilograms.

    Aid workers and diplomats familiar with migration issues in Ethiopia said that very little international assistance is earmarked for helping deportees from Saudi Arabia for medical care and shelter or money to return and reintegrate in their home villages.

    Over 8 million people are in need of food assistance in Ethiopia, a country of over 100 million. It hosts over 920,000 refugees from neighboring countries and violence along ethnic lines produced over 2.4 internally displaced people in 2018, many of whom have now been returned.

    The IOM registers migrants upon arrival in Ethiopia and to facilitate their return from Saudi Arabia. Several hours after their arrival and once registered, they leave the airport and must fend for themselves. Some said they had never been to Addis before.

    In 2013 and 2014, Saudi Arabia conducted an expulsion campaign similar to the one that began in November 2017. The earlier campaign expelled about 163,000 Ethiopians, according to the IOM. A 2015 Human Rights Watch report found that migrants experienced serious abuses during detention and deportation, including attacks by security forces and private citizens in Saudi Arabia, and inadequate and abusive detention conditions. Human Rights Watch has also previously documented mistreatment of Ethiopian migrants by traffickers and government detention centers in Yemen.

    Aid workers and diplomats said that inadequate funding to assist returning migrants is as a result of several factors, including a focus of many of the European funders on stemming migration to and facilitating returns from Europe, along with competing priorities and the low visibility of the issue compared with migration to Europe.

    During previous mass returns from Saudi Arabia, there was more funding for reintegration and more international media attention in part because there was such a large influx in a short time, aid workers said.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/08/15/ethiopians-abused-gulf-migration-route
    #migrations #asile #violence #réfugiés #réfugiés_éthiopiens #Ethiopie #pays_du_Golfe #route_du_Golfe #mer_Rouge #Golfe_d'Aden #Yémen #Arabie_Saoudite #frontières #violent_borders #torture #trafic_d'êtres_humains #exploitation #routes_migratoires

    signalé par @isskein

    • Migrants endure sea crossing to Yemen and disembark in hell

      Zahra struggled in the blue waters of the Gulf of Aden, grasping for the hands of fellow migrants.

      Hundreds of men, women and teenagers clambered out of a boat and through the surf emerging, exhausted, on the shores of Yemen.

      The 20-year-old Ethiopian saw men armed with automatic rifles waiting for them on the beach and she clenched in terror. She had heard migrants’ stories of brutal traffickers, lurking like monsters in a nightmare. They are known by the Arabic nickname Abdul-Qawi — which means Worshipper of the Strong.

      “What will they do to us?” Zahra thought.

      She and 300 other Africans had just endured six hours crammed in a wooden smuggling boat to cross the narrow strait between the Red Sea and the gulf. When they landed, the traffickers loaded them into trucks and drove them to ramshackle compounds in the desert outside the coastal village of Ras al-Ara.

      There was Zahra’s answer. She was imprisoned for a month in a tin-roofed hut, broiling and hungry, ordered to call home each day to beseech her family to wire $2,000. She said she did not have family to ask for money and pleaded for her freedom.
      Instead, her captors raped her. And they raped the 20 other women with her — for weeks, different men all the time.

      “They used each of the girls,” she told The Associated Press. “Every night there was rape.”

      With its systematic torture, Ras al-Ara is a particular hell on the arduous, 900-mile (1,400 kilometer) journey from the Horn of Africa to oil-rich Saudi Arabia. Migrants leave home on sandaled feet with dreams of escaping poverty. They trek through mountains and deserts, sandstorms and 113-degree temperatures, surviving on crumbs of bread and salty water from ancient wells.

      In Djibouti, long lines of migrants descend single file down mountain slopes to the rocky coastal plain, where many lay eyes on the sea for first time and eventually board the boats. Some find their way safely across war-torn Yemen to Saudi Arabia, only to be caught and tossed back over the border. The lucky ones make it into the kingdom to earn their livings as a servant and laborers.


      But others are stranded in Yemen’s nightmare — in some measure because Europe has been shutting its doors, outsourcing migrants to other countries.

      The European Union began paying Libyan coast guards and militias to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa, through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of Mediterranean crossings plummeted — from 370,000 in 2016 to just over 56,000 so far this year.

      Meanwhile, more than 150,000 migrants landed in Yemen in 2018, a 50% increase from the year before, according to the International Organization for Migration.

      This year, more than 107,000 had arrived by the end of September, along with perhaps tens of thousands more the organization was unable to track — or who were buried in graves along the trail.

      And European policies may be making the Yemen route more dangerous. Funded by the EU, Ethiopia has cracked down on migrant smugglers and intensified border controls. Arrests of known brokers have prompted migrants to turn to unreliable traffickers, taking more dangerous paths and increasing the risk of abuses.

      Many of those migrants end up in Ras al-Ara.

      Nearly every migrant who lands here is imprisoned in hidden compounds while their families are shaken down for money. Like Zahra, they are subjected to daily torments ranging from beatings and rapes to starvation, their screams drowned out by the noise of generators or cars or simply lost in the desert.
      “Out of every thousand, 800 disappear in the lockups,” said a humanitarian worker monitoring the flow of migrants.

      Traffickers who torture are a mix of Yemenis and Ethiopians of different ethnic groups. So victims cannot appeal to tribal loyalties, they are tortured by men from other groups: If the migrants are Oromia, the torturers are Tigrinya.

      At the same time, because the three main ethnic groups don’t speak each others’ languages, Yemeni smugglers need translators to convey orders to the migrants and monitor their phone conversations with their families.

      The AP spoke to more than two dozen Ethiopians who survived torture at Ras al-Ara. Nearly all of them reported witnessing deaths, and one man died of starvation hours after the AP saw him.
      The imprisonment and torture are largely ignored by Yemeni authorities.

      The AP saw trucks full of migrants passing unhindered through military checkpoints as they went from the beaches to drop their human cargo at each desert compound, known in Arabic as a “hosh.”

      “The traffickers move freely, in public, giving bribes at the checkpoints,” said Mohammed Said, a former coast guard officer who now runs a gas station in the center of town.

      From Ras al-Ara, it’s nearly 50 miles in any direction to the next town. Around 8,000 families live in a collection of decaying, one-story stone houses beside dirt roads, a lone hotel and two eateries. The fish market is the center of activity when the daily catch is brought in.

      Nearly the entire population profits from the human trade. Some rent land to traffickers for the holding cells, or work as guards, drivers or translators. For others, traffickers flush with cash are a lucrative market for their food, fuel or the mildly stimulant leaves of qat, which Yemenis and Ethiopians chew daily.

      Locals can rattle off the traffickers’ names. One of them, a Yemeni named Mohammed al-Usili, runs more than 20 hosh. He’s famous for the red Nissan SUV he drives through town.

      Others belong to Sabaha, one of the biggest tribes in southern Yemen, some of whom are famous for their involvement in illicit businesses. Yemenis call the Sabaha “bandits” who have no political loyalties to any of the warring parties.
      Many traffickers speak openly of their activities, but deny they torture, blaming others.

      Yemeni smuggler Ali Hawash was a farmer who went into the human smuggling business a year ago. He disparaged smugglers who prey on poor migrants, torturing them and holding them hostage until relatives pay ransom.

      “I thought we need to have a different way,” he said, “I will help you go to Saudi, you just pay the transit and the transportation. Deal.”

      The flow of migrants to the beach is unending. On a single day, July 24, the AP witnessed seven boats pull into Ras al-Ara, one after the other, starting at 3 a.m., each carrying more than 100 people.

      The migrants climbed out of the boats into the turquoise water. One young man collapsed on the beach, his feet swollen. A woman stepped on something sharp in the water and fell screeching in pain. Others washed their clothes in the waves to get out the vomit, urine and feces from the rugged journey.

      The migrants were lined up and loaded onto trucks. They gripped the iron bars in the truck bed as they were driven along the highway. At each compound, the truck unloaded a group of migrants, like a school bus dropping off students. The migrants disappeared inside.

      From time to time, Ethiopians escape their imprisonment or are released and stagger out of the desert into town.
      Eman Idrees, 27, and her husband were held for eight months by an Ethiopian smuggler.

      She recalled the savage beatings they endured, which left a scar on her shoulder; the smuggler received $700 to take her to Saudi Arabia, but wouldn’t let her go, because “he wanted me.”

      Said, the gas station owner, is horrified by the evidence of torture he has seen, so he has made his station and a nearby mosque into a refuge for migrants. But locals say Said, too, profits from the trafficking, selling fuel for the smugglers’ boats and trucks. But that means the traffickers need him and leave him alone.

      On a day when the AP team was visiting, several young men just out of a compound arrived at the gas station. They showed deep gashes in their arms from ropes that had bound them. One who had bruises from being lashed with a cable said the women imprisoned with him were all raped and that three men had died.

      Another, Ibrahim Hassan, trembled as he showed how he was tied up in a ball, arms behind his back, knees bound against his chest. The 24-year-old said he was bound like that for 11 days and frequently beaten. His torturer, he said, was a fellow Ethiopian but from a rival ethnic group, Tigray, while he is Oromo.

      Hassan said he was freed after his father went door to door in their hometown to borrow money and gather the $2,600 that the smugglers demanded.
      “My family is extremely poor,” Hassan said, breaking down in tears. “My father is a farmer and I have five siblings.”

      Starvation is another punishment used by the traffickers to wear down their victims.

      At Ras al-Ara hospital, four men who looked like living skeletons sat on the floor, picking rice from a bowl with their thin fingers. Their bones protruded from their backs, their rib cages stood out sharply. With no fat on their bodies, they sat on rolled-up cloth because it was too painful to sit directly on bone. They had been imprisoned by traffickers for months, fed once a day with scraps of bread and a sip of water, they said.

      One of them, 23-year-old Abdu Yassin, said he had agreed with smugglers in Ethiopia to pay around $600 for the trip through Yemen to the Saudi border. But when he landed at Ras al-Ara, he was brought to a compound with 71 others, and the traffickers demanded $1,600.

      He cried as he described how he was held for five months and beaten constantly in different positions. He showed the marks from lashings on his back, the scars on his legs where they pressed hot steel into his skin. His finger was crooked after they smashed it with a rock, he said. One day, they tied his legs and dangled him upside down, “like a slaughtered sheep.”
      But the worst was starvation.

      “From hunger, my knees can’t carry my body,” he said. “I haven’t changed my clothes for six months. I haven’t washed. I have nothing.”

      Near the four men, another emaciated man lay on a gurney, his stomach concave, his eyes open but unseeing. Nurses gave him fluids but he died several hours later.

      The torment that leaves the young men and women physically and mentally shattered also leaves them stranded.

      Zahra said she traveled to Yemen “because I wanted to change my life.”

      She came from a broken home. She was a child when her parents divorced. Her mother disappeared, and her father — an engineer — remarried and wanted little to do with Zahra or her sisters. Zahra dropped out of school after the third grade. She worked for years in Djibouti as a servant, sending most of her earnings to her youngest sister back in Ethiopia.

      Unable to save any money, she decided to try her luck elsewhere.

      She spoke in a quiet voice as she described the torments she suffered at the compound.

      “I couldn’t sleep at all throughout these days,” as she suffered from headaches, she said.

      She and the other women were locked in three rooms of the hut, sleeping on the dirt floor, suffocating in the summer heat. They were constantly famished. Zahra suffered from rashes, diarrhea and vomiting.

      One group tried to flee when they were allowed to wash at a well outside. The traffickers used dogs to hunt them down, brought them back and beat them.
      “You can’t imagine,” Zahra said. “We could hear the screams.” After that, they could only wash at gunpoint.

      Finally, early one morning, their captors opened the gates and told Zahra and some of the other women to leave. Apparently, the traffickers gave up on getting money out of them and wanted to make room for others.

      Now Zahra lives in Basateen, a slum on the outskirts of southern Yemen’s main city, Aden, where she shares a room with three other women who also were tortured. .

      Among them is a 17-year-old who fidgets with her hands and avoiding eye contact. She said she had been raped more times than she can count.

      The first time was during the boat crossing from Djibouti, where she was packed in with more than 150 other migrants. Fearing the smugglers, no one dared raise a word of protest as the captain and his crew raped her and the other nine women on board during the eight-hour journey.
      “I am speechless about what happened in the boat,” the 17-year-old said.

      Upon landing, she and the others were taken to a compound, where again she was raped — every day for the next two weeks.

      “We lived 15 days in pain,” she said.

      Zahra said she’s worried she could be pregnant, and the 17-year old said she has pains in her abdomen and back she believes were caused by the rapes — but neither has money to go to a doctor.

      Nor do they have money to continue their travels.

      “I have nothing but the clothes on me,” the 17-year old said. She lost everything, including her only photos of her family.

      Now, she is too afraid to even leave her room in Basateen.
      “If we get out of here,” she said, “we don’t know what would happen to us.”

      Basateen is filled with migrants living in squalid shacks. Some work, trying to earn enough to continue their journey.

      Others, like Abdul-Rahman Taha, languish without hope.

      The son of a dirt-poor farmer, Taha had heard stories of Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia with enough money to buy a car or build a house. So he sneaked away from home and began walking. When he reached Djibouti, he called home asking for $400 for smugglers to arrange his trip across Yemen. His father was angry but sold a bull and some goats and sent the money.

      When Taha landed at Ras al-Ara, traffickers took him and 50 other migrants to a holding cell, lined them up and demanded phone numbers. Taha couldn’t ask his father for more money so he told them he didn’t have a number. Over the next days and weeks, he was beaten and left without food and water.

      One night, he gave them a wrong number. The traffickers flew into a rage. One, a beefy, bearded Yemeni, beat Taha’s right leg to a bloody pulp with a steel rod. Taha passed out.

      When he opened his eyes, he saw the sky. He was outdoors, lying on the ground. The traffickers had dumped him and three other migrants in the desert. Taha tried to jostle the others, but they didn’t move — they were dead.
      A passing driver took him to a hospital. There, his leg was amputated.

      Now 17, Taha is stranded. His father died in a car crash a few months ago, leaving Taha’s sister and four younger brothers to fend for themselves back home.

      Taha choked back tears. In one of their phone calls, he remembered, his father had asked him: “Why did you leave?”

      “Without work or money,” Taha told him, “life is unbearable.”

      And so it is still.

      https://apimagesblog.com/blog/migrants-endure-sea-crossing-to-yemen-and-disembark-in-hell
      #réfugiés_éthiopiens #famine #mourir_de_faim #Oromo

    • Sbarcare all’inferno. Per i migranti diretti in Europa la tappa in Yemen vuol dire stupro e tortura

      Il durissimo reportage fotografico di Associated Press in viaggio con i migranti etiopi lungo la rotta che dal Corno d’Africa porta verso la penisola arabica racconta l’orrore perpetrato negli ’#hosh' di #Ras al-Ara che la comunità internazionale non vuole vedere. Le terribili storie di Zahra, Ibrahim, Abdul e gli altri.


      http://www.rainews.it/dl/rainews/media/Sbarcare-all-inferno-Per-i-migranti-diretti-in-Europa-la-tappa-in-Yemen-vuol
      #viol #viols #torture #violences_sexuelles #photographie

  • مصر : غضب في “القاهرة” بعد حكم محكمة “الأمور المستعجلة” بسعودية “تيران” و”صنافير” والضرب بقرار”الإدارية العليا” التاريخي “عرض الحائط”.. وتساؤلات عن دور لقاء السيسي – سلمان في إصدار الحكم؟ وقانونيون يصفون الحكم بـ “اللعبة” ويتهمون القضاء بتسييس القضية | رأي اليوم
    http://www.raialyoum.com/?p=649493

    Ca va faire hurler en Egypte : un tribunal d’urgence casse la décision, prise il y a deux mois, de la Haute Cour administrative et "confirme" que les deux îlots en mer Rouge de Tiran et Sanafir appartiennent bien à l’Arabie saoudite (ce qui en l’occurrence veut presque dire qu’ils sont aussi israéliens).

    Aucun rapport naturellement avec les discussions en tête à tête que le maréchal Sissi et le roi d’Arabie saoudite ont eu au dernier sommet arabe, il y a quelques jours.

  • Desperate Red Sea Journeys: Refugees Pour Into and Out of Yemen

    Following the attack that killed 42 Somali refugees off the coast of Yemen, we report from #Djibouti on the desperate choices faced by refugees who fled to Yemen and now find themselves in the middle of another conflict.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/03/28/desperate-red-sea-journeys-refugees-pour-into-and-out-of-yemen
    #Mer_Rouge #mourir_en_mer #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Yémen
    cc @reka

    • Yemen Received More Migrants in #2018 than Europe

      « The International Organization for Migration says that nearly 150,000 migrants arrived in war torn Yemen in 2018. This is despite ongoing conflict, a cholera outbreak and near famine conditions in much of the country.

      Perhaps what is most remarkable about this figure is that the number of migrants expected to arrive in Yemen before the end of 2018 far exceeds the number of irregular migrants who have arrived in Europe in 2018, which is 134,000. Deeper still, while the number of migrants to Europe sharply declined between 2017 and 2018, the number of migrants to Yemen increased by 50% compared to 2017.

      Why are migrants flocking to war torn Yemen in such large numbers?

      According to the International Organization for Migration, the vast majority of migrants are from Ethiopia and they travel to Yemen via smuggling routes across the Red Sea, most from Djibouti. Their ultimate destination is not Yemen, but rather Saudi Arabia where they hope to find gainful employment. From the International Organization for Migration:

      “Located at the cusp of two continents, Yemen historically has been an origin, transit and destination country of migrants. Today, an estimated 92 per cent of its incoming migrants are Ethiopian nationals, with Somalis accounting for the rest. In 2017, an estimated 100,000 migrants reached Yemen.

      Migrants reaching Yemen travel first by land, primarily through Djibouti, and eventually undergo perilous boat journeys across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen, now one of the busiest maritime migration routes in the world. A smaller number sails from Somalia’s coastline.

      Both routes are also among the world’s most “youthful,” in the sense that minors account for an estimated 20 per cent of the migrants. Many are unaccompanied.”

      The stories of these migrants are instructive. Last year, Mohammed Abdiker of the IOM penned an essay on this “deadly migration route that the world is ignoring.”

      “The stories we hear from them are the same; they know someone who has gone before and “made it.” Someone who has sent enough money home to build their parents a house, put their brother through school or regenerate their family farm affected by years of drought. Migrants often cite these examples as proof that once they reach their destination they will be able to pull themselves and their loved ones out of poverty.”

      …One person who our team on the ground helped, was a 14-year-old boy named Mohammed. He wanted to travel from Ethiopia to Saudi Arabia to find work and hopefully save some money. He left his home with some friends without telling his relatives. They walked several hundred miles, while hungry and thirsty.Risking drowning in the sea, they crossed from Djibouti to Yemen. When they got to Yemen, Mohammed says he and his friends were abducted by smugglers in an area where there is ongoing fighting. He says the smugglers abused him physically and only released him once they had extorted money from him and his friends through their families back home.Attempting to then travel through the country to the border, they were seriously injured by an explosion. An ambulance took Mohammed and five others to a hospital. According to Mohammed, two female migrants died and the other migrants from his group were never found. Mohammed was transferred to the prison in Hodeidah, which is where IOM met him and provided him with assistance.”

      The fact that so many people are willing to flee to Yemen is a profound demonstration of the power of migration. People want to move– and they are willing accept huge risks in pursuit of a better life ».

      https://migrationsansfrontieres.com/2019/01/15/yemen-received-more-migrants-in-2018-than-europe
      #statistiques #chiffres

  • La mobilité dans la #Corne_de_l'Afrique : entre urgence humanitaire et contrainte sécuritaire

    Comment fonctionne la mobilité dans une zone de crises et de guerres presque permanentes depuis les années 1960 ? La #Somalie, l’#Éthiopie, l’#Érythrée, le #Soudan et #Djibouti sont à la fois des pays d’accueil et de départ de demandeurs d’asile et de migrants. La complexité des #itinéraires_migratoires et des conditions politiques de l’asile est extrême. En détaillant les stratégies et les perceptions des acteurs de la migration et de l’asile, on constate que le droit à la mobilité se négocie entre urgence humanitaire et contraintes sécuritaires. Migrants et réfugiés aspirent à la libre circulation comme ressource contre la #violence ou l’extrême #pauvreté et sont poussés à l’exil avec ou sans la #protection du #droit_international humanitaire. Les États de la région et ceux qui interviennent dans la zone (les États-Unis essentiellement) veulent contrôler la #mobilité, maintenir les régimes sociaux et politiques en place, sécuriser la #mer_Rouge et les territoires d’où partent, où arrivent et par où transitent les migrants et les réfugiés. Les organisations intergouvernementales (OIG) et les ONG humanitaires négocient entre ces deux logiques la gestion de la mobilité dans le respect des normes internationales et de la sécurité humaine.

    http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/330ul8igcq9rv8fl7gvsktuefk
    #mobilité #migrations #asile #réfugiés #parcours_migratoires

    Dans l’article il y a notamment cette carte de l’itinéraire d’une personne :


    http://spire.sciencespo.fr/hdl:/2441/330ul8igcq9rv8fl7gvsktuefk/resources/migrations-securite-thiollet-2009.pdf
    #cartographie #visualisation
    cc @reka

  • HCR | Yémen : Mise en garde contre les traversées en mer
    http://asile.ch/2016/12/07/hcr-yemen-mise-garde-contre-traversees-mer

    En dépit du conflit et de la dégradation rapide des conditions humanitaires, plus de 100’000 personnes ont déjà risqué, cette année, leur vie en haute mer pour quitter la Corne de l’Afrique et se rendre au Yémen par bateau. Ceci souligne la nécessité d’apporter d’urgence une aide aux pays d’origine et de transit pour décourager […]

  • Thousands Protest Egypt’s Red Sea Island Deal With Saudi Arabia - WSJ
    http://www.wsj.com/articles/thousands-protest-egypts-red-sea-island-deal-with-saudi-arabia-1460739925

    Thousands of people protested Friday against a controversial agreement that saw Egypt cede control of two Red Sea islands to Saudi Arabia, despite warnings by authorities that such unrest would be met by force.

  • L’UNHCR METTE IN GUARDIA SULLE PERICOLOSE TRAVERSATE VIA MARE NEL CORNO D’AFRICA

    Nel 2015 92.000 persone hanno raggiunto lo Yemen via mare mentre sono già 36 le persone annegate nel 2016.

    Gli ultimi dati relativi agli arrivi via mare nello Yemen mostrano che, nonostante il conflitto in corso, circa 92.446 persone sono arrivate via mare nel 2015, uno dei totali più alti dell’ultimo decennio. Due terzi di queste persone sono arrivate ​​da marzo 2015, quando è iniziato il conflitto. Nel 2015, sono stati 95 i morti registrati, il secondo anno per numero di vittime fino ad oggi, mentre 36 persone sono annegate quest’anno in un incidente avvenuto l’8 gennaio. In considerazione di questo, l’Alto Commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i Rifugiati (UNHCR) ha nuovamente messo in guardia chi sta pensando di intraprendere questa traversata, evidenziandone i pericoli.

    http://www.unhcr.it/news/lunhcr-mette-in-guardia-sulle-pericolose-traversate-via-mare-nel-corno-dafrica
    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Yémen #Corne_d'Afrique #Mer_Rouge

  • Gov’t to end negotiations with consortium over Red-Dead project | Jordan Times
    http://www.jordantimes.com/news/local/govt-end-negotiations-consortium-over-red-dead-project

    The Council of Ministers on Wednesday decided to end negotiations with a consortium of international companies that applied to implement a tender of engineering and consultation services for the Red Sea-Dead Sea Water Conveyance project.

    The decision was taken due to the fact that prices offered by the consortium were high compared to similar tenders and the companies refused to reduce the prices.

    #Jordanie #eau #Mer_ROuge_Mer_Morte

  • Red Sea drownings of Yemen-bound migrants hit new high: UNHCR

    Geneva (AFP) - Scores have drowned in the Red Sea in recent weeks trying to cross to Yemen making this year’s death toll the highest in years, the UN’s refugee agency said Friday.

    http://news.yahoo.com/red-sea-drownings-yemen-bound-migrants-hit-high-201211217.html

    #mourir_en_mer #Yémen #migration #asile #réfugiés #Mer_Rouge